View No. 11 (2022)

No. 11 (2022)

ISSN:
2545-3424
eISSN:
2299-890X

Publication date:
2023-06-26

Cover

Studia

  • Services of the Second Polish Republic against the communists (the Communist Party of Poland, the KPP)

    Sebastian Drabik

    Komunizm: system-ludzie-dokumentacja, No. 11 (2022), pages: 13-54

    The article is an attempt to outline the actions taken by the services of the Second Polish Republic (police, intelligence and counterintelligence) against the communist movement. The programme of the communist organisations was hostile towards the Polish state and remained under the strict control of Bolshevik Russia (the Soviet Union). The most important achievements of the Polish services in the fight against the communists include: suppression of strike actions inspired by the KPP, infiltration of Polish agents into communist organisations, detention of spies working for the USSR. The greatest success was the breakup of the military division of the KPP in 1936. However, the Polish authorities did not manage to completely eliminate the communist structures, which ceased to exist only after the dissolution of the KPP on Moscow’s order.

  • Collaboration with the Bolsheviks during the Soviet invasion of Poland in 1920 exemplified by the Biała Podlaska region

    Dariusz Magier

    Komunizm: system-ludzie-dokumentacja, No. 11 (2022), pages: 55-74

    The invasion of the Bolsheviks on Poland in 1920, as well as Polish contact with the communist ideology and the Soviet army left traces in the human psyche and socio-political life for years to come. Although the Bolshevik occupation of areas of central Poland did not last long, it offered numerous insights and observations that had a great impact on the awareness of the population, determined their worldview and perception of the Soviet Union throughout the interwar period. One of the issues was the cooperation of individuals or representatives of extreme left political and social organisations with the invader. This article presents an analysis of collaboration with the Bolsheviks in the region of Biała Podlaska, which is similar to the territory of the district court in Biała Podlaska. The post-war prosecutions and trials against people supporting the occupier constitute the main historical source of this study. The author attempts to identify the causes, types and consequences of the collaboration of Polish citizens with the Bolsheviks in August 1920.

  • Managing the cadres, ideology and production plan. The basic party organisations of the Polish United Workers’ Party at the Jankowice coal mine in Boguszowice and the railway hub in Rybnik in the years 1951–1975 (in the light of documents)

    Adam Dziuba

    Komunizm: system-ludzie-dokumentacja, No. 11 (2022), pages: 75-145

    The PZPR (the Polish United Workers’ Party) – the Marxist-Leninist party claiming to be the vanguard of the working class and in charge of the state on its behalf, was a mass organisation with strong local structures that also existed in the workplace. In large enterprises, such as the railway hub in Rybnik and the Jankowice coal mine in Boguszowice, it was involved in company committees and played a significant political role in the life of the cities where it operated. The Marxist theoreticians emphasised that the most important duty of company units of the PZPR was to take care of the proper shape of interpersonal relations, solve problems in workplaces and in the places of residence and participate in political life of the local area. The two company party organisations in question co-managed political rituals in their locality and workplace, dealt with personnel policy and micro-management (including the organisation of workplace competitions and “production meetings”), duplicated the activities of the industrial administration and supervised employee and trade union bodies that functioned in the workplace. They were also in charge of social and political organisations that operated in their parent establishments. Both of the company committees also had to promote the ideology of the party by organising political training, organisational meetings, open meetings or worker mass meetings, as well as supervise the implementation of party propaganda in their area and encourage employees to meet their production goals and perform their political duty. A specific feature of the company committee at the Jankowice coal mine, the largest workplace in the municipality of Jankowice at the time, was the organisation of the daily life of the residents of the the workers’ housing estate near the mine. The company committees also performed organisational functions, cared for their own growth and the increase in the number of party members among the employees. Their basic responsibility was to follow the orders of the superior authorities – the District Committee of the PZPR in Rybnik in this case. However, the authorities of both these company committees considered their most important work to be action undertaken to increase the production of coal (in the case of the coal mine) and the efficient organisation of the transport of goods, especially coal (in the case of the railway node) – that is, purely economic tasks.

  • October 1956 in “Sztandaru Ludu”

    Agata Fijuth-Dudek

    Komunizm: system-ludzie-dokumentacja, No. 11 (2022), pages: 146-164

    The year 1956 is one of the most important caesuras in the post-war history of Poland. The coming to power of Wladyslaw Gomulka gave hope for democratization and liberalization of the communist system. The atmosphere of the thaw was also shaped by the press, where polemics began to appear, new reality was shown and the language changed. The mood prevailing in central magazines were also reflected in the field press. In the Lublin region, the most important press title in 1956 was Sztandar Ludu [Banner of the People], the press organ of the PZPR’s Central Committee in Lublin. The Lublin paper, like the press throughout the country presented an enthusiasm that reflected hope and faith in the political and economic changes in Polish society. Its pages heralded a revolution, albeit within the limits set by the new authorities. Its columns presented “reports” from the country: accounts of rallies and masses of support for Wladyslaw Gomulka and the new Politburo of the Communist Party Central Committee. There was no shortage of articles that satisfied the demands of workers’ groups, as well as young people and the intelligentsia. Texts more local in character were also published. These were usually reports of demonstrations by the public Lublin society, which manifested support for the new authorities, and demands were published for particular social groups to revise the existing situation in work places or party local structures. Even excerpts from the Western press and broadcasts were quoted on Radio Wolna Europa [Radio Free Europe], but only those that referred favorably to the changes in Poland. Nevertheless, it should be emphasized that “Sztandar Ludu” was an organ of the KW PZPR in Lublin and as such, it tried to follow the party’s guidelines, so it published only materials that were in line with the currently accepted party propaganda, without going “ahead of the curve”.

  • The Three-Year Plan in the Śląskie Voivodeship. The preparations to “build the foundations of socialism”

    Adam Dziuba

    Komunizm: system-ludzie-dokumentacja, No. 11 (2022), pages: 165-223

    The Three-Year Plan (1947–1949) was implemented in a political and economic reality characterised by dynamic changes resulting from the intensification of the Cold War. At that time, Moscow decided to speed up the Sovietisation of political, economic and social life in the subordinated countries, announcing a reorientation of the current policy during the meeting in Szklarska Poręba in September 1947. The Western states were unequivocally declared hostile and the satellite states of the USSR, including Poland, were to become similar to the Soviet Union not only in economic but also social terms. In the years 1947–1949, a post-war reconstruction of the economy and an increase in the level of consumption were planned in Poland, and the region of the Śląskie Voivodeship was assigned the role of a raw material and energy base. The local mines, steelworks and power plants met the standards imposed on them, and the mining and steel industries announced this even before the deadline. Equally important were the political and social assumptions, according to which Poland was to follow the Soviet path towards building a “new type of state”. The Polish Workers’ Party (the PPR) officially admitted that it was guided by Marxist-Leninist ideology, and in December 1948, at the time of the establishment of the Polish United Workers’ Party (the PZPR), its leaders, mainly from the PPR, announced that Poland would become a socialist country based on the models applied in the USSR and would function according to the Stalinist Rule. The construction of socialism was led by the communist party, which was the “vanguard of the proletariat” and exercised power on behalf, and in the interests, of the workers. Therefore, the Śląskie Voivodeship, the area with the highest concentration of workers in Poland, became an object of propaganda and sociological operations designed to demonstrate the working-class nature of the PZPR’s power and make the citizens accept the policy of the party. “Class consciousness” was promoted among the workers and the workplace competition as an economic and educational undertaking was supported. Many of those already “class conscious” were granted leadership positions in administration and industry, and the involvement of the communist party in social programmes dedicated to improving the fate of the “masses” was promoted. The residents of rural areas were persuaded to join collective farms, which was supposed to improve their living standard and, over time, bring their status and state of mind even closer to that of workers. In Silesia and the Dąbrowa Coal Basin, the decreed “cultural revolution” meant educational activities to raise the civilisation level of the local, mainly the working-class population and to effectively indoctrinate that population. Workers were to become the main creators and recipients of culture, which was facilitated by cultural and entertainment events addressed to them: meetings and lectures, educational activities, concerts, theatre performances. Such activities prepared the society for the intensive industrialisation in the years 1950–1955, planned as “building the foundations of socialism”.

  • “The Communist International” in the rhythm of the cancan. Basic unit of the Polish United Workers’ Party at the Silesian Operetta (1952–1966)

    Bogusław Tracz

    Komunizm: system-ludzie-dokumentacja, No. 11 (2022), pages: 224-260

    Established in 1952, the Silesian Operetta in Gliwice, functioning as a branch of the Silesian Opera in Bytom in the years 1952–1955, was one of the leading operetta scenes in the Polish People’s Republic. Due to its location in the city, situated in the most industrialised and urbanised region of the country, from the very beginning of its operation, activities in line with the cultural policy priorities of the communist state played an equally important role alongside the promotion of musical culture. That compliance was primarily supervised by the company unit of the PZPR, which claimed the right to interfere both in the programme assumptions and artistic repertoire, as well as in personnel policy and filling the managerial positions. The article is an attempt to reconstruct the role and importance of the basic unit of the party in the Silesian Operetta in the 1950s and the first half of the 1960s, based on the archival materials stored in the State Archives in Katowice. The formation and functioning of this party authority during the twelve consecutive years of the operation of the Silesian Operetta was reconstructed. The author, in addition to reconstructing the facts, tries to answer how and to what extent the communist party controlled and influenced the activities of the Operetta and whether it subjected it to the political and ideological assumptions of the party.

  • On the role of the intelligentsia in the structures of the unit of the PZPR in Biała Podlaska. A contribution to research on the provincial communist elite

    Paweł Orłowski

    Komunizm: system-ludzie-dokumentacja, No. 11 (2022), pages: 261-284

    The article is an attempt to capture the emergence of the ruling elite in a provincial voivodeship. The selected issue is to illustrate the processes taking place during the formation of the so-called new intelligentsia. The main purpose of this article is also to show the enormous influence of the local establishment on the territory of the Biała Podlaska Voivodeship. At the same time, the possible friction during the change of leadership of the party authority in the voivodeship is outlined.

  • The “Uncensored” series (1977–1981) in the publishing policy of the Literary Institute in Paris

    Ewelina Górka

    Komunizm: system-ludzie-dokumentacja, No. 11 (2022), pages: 285-300

    The Literary Institute in Paris, headed by Jerzy Giedroyc in the years 1946–2000, was an institution dealing with the publishing of both books and magazines – Kultura [Culture] and Zeszyty Historyczne [Historical Notebooks]. The publishing activity played a major role, especially due to the issues raised and the possibility of reaching Polish readers. The publications issued by the Literary Institute in Paris often referred to current problems, commenting on and discussing them. The series analyzed in this article appeared in 1977, and the books in this series were published for 4 years. The main aim of the article is to analyze the publications in the series “Bez cenzury” [Uncensored] in the years 1977–1981 in the context of the publishing policy of the Literary Institute. Therefore, attention was paid to the history of the series as a separate initiative referring to its uncensored nature. The content analysis made possible to determine the thematic scope of the series, as well as which authors published there. Genological analysis was useful to indicate which species were selected for the implementation of these topics. In a broader context, conducted analyses were used to determine the importance of this series in the publishing policy of the Literary Institute.

  • The prosecutor’s office accuses, the court passes judgment, the party rules. A few contributions to the history of the communist judicial system

    Arkadiusz Kutkowski

    Komunizm: system-ludzie-dokumentacja, No. 11 (2022), pages: 301-325

    The article is an attempt to describe the practice of the leading role of the communist Polish state in the administration of justice. Referring to examples of specific criminal proceedings, the author proves that this practice – resulting from the core of communist ideology – took various forms but always boiled down to actions depriving the courts and prosecution offices of independence. Actions that meant de facto replacing legal procedures with political decision-making procedures. Consequently, in the system of justice of the PRL, the application of the law was a reflection not of the efforts of the judicature but of the priorities of the penal policy developed in the party offices and subjected to constant changes, which required the prosecution of the “reactionary” officers of the Polish Army at one time, their rehabilitation at another time, and, at the next of the political twists and turns – the punishment of hooligans, speculators or “hooligan element” in Radom. There was only one sovereign in the relations described above, and it was always the party decision-maker, who was – as one of the lawyers in Warsaw accurately stated – a super-judge, a super-prosecutor and a super-security officer.

  • The Party in a municipality. The functioning of rural units of the PZPR in the years 1948–1956 exemplified by the region of Białystok

    Marcin Markiewicz

    Komunizm: system-ludzie-dokumentacja, No. 11 (2022), pages: 326-360

    The article describes the functioning of rural units of the party in the region of Białystok in the Stalinist Era. Most of the findings are consistent with the modest research to date on the work of rural party cells in several other voivodeships. The study showed that the rural units of the PZPR were not independent organisms. All decisions taken at the lowest level of the party ladder could be immediately cancelled or freely changed by the ruling authorities. The majority of the basic organisations and municipal party committees only pretended to work. There was widespread disregard for various party duties and falsification of reporting to avoid accountability for inactivity and poor organisational performance. Various types of pathological behaviour, including heavy drinking, were common. The crisis of the rural structures of the PZPR was deepened by the political ‘thaw’ in 1956, as most party cells stopped any activity or got dissolved. In the years 1948–1956 and later on, the functioning of rural party units consisted mainly of uncritical acceptance and implementation of decisions taken at higher levels of the party hierarchy.


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