The combination of rock music and the regime policy of the Polish People's Republic is certainly a high-risk relationship and it can lead us to many different conclusions. Not obviously positive and desirable, but not only negative. This is specific nature of life in the Polish People's Republic: multi-dimensional and, therefore, often paradoxical and incomprehensible. Relations between rock and politics can be presented in at least three dimensions. First - it is important to consider how state policy affects the rock music, secondly - whether the rock also affect state policy, and thirdly – whether politics is present in the rock art as a subject, theme, and an object of interest. Most thoroughly was analyzed the first dimension: how the policy of the regime affected the rock music. State policy developed youth culture. On the other hand, we can observe many signs of spontaneous culture created by the youth. History of bigbeat in Polish People's Republic is a story of a specific game between the creators and the official cultural policy of the state. The rock music in Polish People's Republic occasionally was political. The texts of rock songs were highly politicized in the eighties, when rock musicians announced that: "no one believes politicians". Rock music in the eighties, especially in the state of war, in 1981-82, was a symbolic political protest.

The article is an attempt to present an overview of a part of the activity of “Sztandar Ludu” – the official press organ of the ruling party – in 1945-1956. Even though the bureaucracy at that time was outside the main scope of the press’s interest, it was given a considerable amount of attention as the part of a “closer look at everyday problems.” The aim of the analyzed material was mostly to intervene. The main issue I take up in the article are the dysfunctions of the bureaucracy, e.g. the dehumanization of interpersonal relations and the symptomatic gap between an official and an enquirer, organizational and procedural absurdities, problems with implementing innovations, and problems with reaction to change and untypical situations. The threat posed by the bureaucracy was also noticed in the working of the party. Most of the articles were aimed at presenting how procedures and unsuitable persons could make everyday life difficult, leading to the loss of valuable time and health. The ideological dimension of “the fight against the bureaucracy” was strongly emphasized. The bureaucracy was labeled as one of the “most exasperating ailments” suffered by the administration, attributed, in accordance with the rule of the juxtaposition of the present and the past, to its “preSeptember origin.” That last phenomenon should be attributed to the belief that the bureaucracy was one of the internal enemies, even though the bureaucrat was not their major representative.

Maria Curie–Skłodowska University – MCSU (Polish: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej – UMCS) in Lublin was created on 23 October 1944 by the Polish Committee of National Liberation’s (Polish: Polski Komitet Wyzwolenia Narodowego PKWN) proMoscow decree. It was first such an institution in “new Poland.” The person chosen to be the vice-chancellor of the MCSU was a pre-war socialist Henryk Raabe. He met all the criteria demanded by the new regime. Firstly, he was a left-winger, but on the other hand, he was not a communist; he was not a member of the unpopular Polish Workers’ Party (Polish: Polska Partia Robotnicza – PPR). As such, he had a greater opportunity to create a necessary team of co-workers. Furthermore, as a socialist, he confirmed the values promoted by propaganda, i.e. political pluralism and the alleged willingness to create a democratic state, in which there would be space for debate and the diversity of views. H. Raabe could be also considered the symbol of a person discriminated against in the Second Polish Republic on the basis of his socialist views, and what follows, a person deprived of the possibility for having an academic career. In the new reality, he became a perfect example portraying the rapid changes in the country where the chance to develop was given to people who had competence, passion and character.

Personnel policy was one of the main forms and methods of exercising authority by the communist party during the times of the Polish People’s Republic. The article discusses the rights and duties of the workers of the Polish United Workers' Party as a consequence of the new regulations concerning the mentioned matter, which appeared after the crisis of the communist party in the years 1980–1981. There has been made an observation that any job position in the communist party involved numerous privileges concerning wages and living conditions and above all, the real authority of the state was not exercised by the officers of state but by the workers of the Polish United Workers' Party.

The article describes variuos form of the Polish United Workers' Party organisation. It focuses particularly on elementary units, situated in offices, workplaces, institutions, universities and schools. The party's strucuture in the country is discussed individually. Author also indicates the primary rules of the organization of internal units: their number, principles of hierachy and model of subordination.

In this text author describe structure and membership of PUWP in Cracow in period of stalinism. Communist Party installed in this region in spring 1945 (primary to 1948 so called Polish Workers Party – PWP). Author moved important composition the party: age, education, number, party probation members and candidats. Party is a specific organizations. She dominated in many aspects of public life. Her influency is very strong. This study show how PUWP acting in Cracow.

The minutes of the meetings of the PPR Club (Polish Workers' Party Club) of The MBP (The Ministry of Public Security) are an extremely valuable source of information about the way the party worked and the lives of the main members, who had created the whole structure of the GUC (Main Office of Censorship) that was the unit of the MBP between 1945 and 1947. A great attention was focused on the culture and education commission, which was supposed to be a an important unit of the MBP workers' indoctrination. The way the commission worked was considered insufficient because the administration often changed their directives, that leaded to loss of discipline of the rank and file members of the party's units. The existing documentation shows that the given commands were not often rethought. Even the members of the unit have no idea what the meeting was going to be about. There was no information about what was on the agenda. It was the reason why the members were unwilling to come to the meetings. According to the opinion of the employees and the party members, the meetings were considered boring, and the speakers were thought to be badly prepared to present their papers, and often did not have the slightest notion what was discussed. The analysis of the minutes shows the picture of a totalitarian country, units of which try to control all the possible areas of Poles' lives, trying to accomplish the process of sovietization of Poland.